Until recently, early/child marriage has been notably absent from public rhetoric and policies in Georgia, a country where 14 percent of women marry before the age of 18, constituting one of Europe’s highest rates of early/child marriage. Early/child marriage - defined as a union, whether formal or informal, involving at least one person who is below 18 years of age - is a phenomenon that affects the lives of both girls and boys. Yet, it is also gendered since it affects disproportionately the lives of girls in their childhood and adolescent years, with lifelong implications and violations of their rights. The lack of recognition of early/ child marriage as a human rights issue that merits resources and attention in the form of policies and services has led to major gaps in research on the issue. In recent years, however, a confluence of small-scale, yet informative efforts, has brought an increased understanding of early/child marriage in Georgia as occurring across the country. The practice reflects broad trends of gender inequality rather than being solely confined to traditions of ethnic minorities as suggested by some initial perceptions. Despite these advancements, there is much to be done with regards to the enforcement of recent policies and fuller political commitment is required. Few civil society actors and other government departments have focused on the issue specifically, and there remain crucial gaps in terms of research, with a far less understanding of the practice across the country and in the majority population of Georgia. The present study thus comes as a timely opportunity to research early/child marriage with greater rigor and depth, and across a wider scope in terms of geography (on a national scale) and population (a larger and broader sample).

As part of a broader effort to understand the complexities of early/child marriage as related to inequitable gender norms in Georgia, UNFPA Georgia, in cooperation with UNICEF Georgia, commissioned a nationwide study in partnership with Promundo. The purpose of this study, conducted over the course of 2017, is to understand how and why attitudes, norms, and practices related to early/child marriage and FGM/C persist in Georgia, exploring risks and protective factors in order to identify opportunities to tackle the phenomenon. The study also explores similarities and differences across regions, urban vs rural contexts, ethnic groups, language, and religion, while tackling the following research questions:

► What are root drivers and implications of early/child marriage in Georgia?
► What attitudes, beliefs, social norms, and practices surround early/child marriage – and how do they operate?
► What are risk and protective factors related to the practice in the country?
► What is the nature of FGM/C practices in Georgia? 

Methodology. Qualitative data collection took place in urban and rural areas of 10 regions and the capital of Georgia: Tbilisi, Ajara, Guria, Imereti, Kakheti, Mtskheta-Mtianeti, Kvemo Kartli, RachaLechkhumi Kvemo Svaneti, Samegrelo - Zemo Svaneti, Samtskhe-Javakheti, and Shida Qartli. This distribution sought to cover the three main languages and majority population/ethnic groups represented in the country – Georgian, Armenian, and Azerbaijani; data collectors were also native speakers of these languages. As a preliminary mapping, an initial twelve key informant interviews (KIIs) were conducted in order to develop the qualitative protocols. The research protocols were then finalized based on inputs from all research team partners as well as feedback from data collectors, which included a piloting study of the instruments. Separate qualitative protocols were created for each group included in the sample:

(1) Married girls/young women, ages 12-17, 18-24, 25-34
(2) unmarried girls/young women, ages 12- 17
3) married boys/young men, ages 12-17, 18- 24, 25-34
(4) unmarried boys/young men, ages 12-17
(5) family members of married couples, and
(6) other stakeholders (teachers, doctors, school psychologists, social workers), policymakers, and local community and religious leaders.

The final sample consisted of 342 participants across 99 in-depth interviews, 35 focus group discussions, and 12 key informant interviews. Of the in-depth interviews and focus group discussions participants, there are 213 females and 117 males. The majority of the participants are from Tbilisi (n = 86), followed by Ajara (n = 46) and Kvemo Kartli (n = 43). There were four ethnic groups represented in the sample. The largest ethnic group identified themselves as Georgian (n=221), followed by Azerbaijani (n=52), Armenian (n =36), Avar (n=14) and Qisti (n= 7). The age distribution in the sample indicates that the largest number of interviewees were 15-17 years (n= 100).